Prime Minister of India - Dr. Manmohan Singh

PM's address to the National Integration Council

Ladies and Gentlemen,

I am delighted to welcome you all to this meeting of the National Integration Council. We are meeting after a long gap of almost 13 years and I am grateful to each one of you for being here today. I believe that as our country develops rapidly and assumes its natural role on the world stage, there is a need to periodically meet and reflect on the ideas and values at the core of our nationhood and discuss measures to meet challenges posed to these values. This is an essential task not only for nation building but also for adapting our core values to the needs of the day. I am sure you will all agree with me that this forum has been an important pillar of our process of nation building. I have often said that India is an ancient civilization but a young nation. The roots of our nationhood run deep, but the plant has required caring. This forum is one of the instruments of such caring that our leaders have created in their wisdom.

When Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru launched this Council he took great care to ensure that its composition reflected the grandeur of our diversity. He ensured that some of the most important political, social and intellectual leaders of the time, representing a wide range of opinion, were included as its members. I am delighted that today we have in our midst Shri Atal Behari Vajpayee who was a participant in the very first meeting of this Council in June 1962.

The idea of constituting this Council was the outcome of the National Integration Conference that Panditji convened in 1961. At that meeting, he emphasized that he did not see any imminent threat to our unity and national integrity but felt it necessary to outline four potential sources of discord that must be guarded against. These, he said, were "communalism, casteism, regionalism and linguism". I am tempted to recall here the words of wisdom of Panditji, for they ring true even today. He said:

"It is bad enough to be narrow-minded ever, but it is worse today to be narrow-minded when there is a tendency for the whole world to shrink, and it is obvious that all these things, namely, communalism, casteism, regionalism and linguism, come very much in our way when we are trying to change India economically, socially and otherwise."

Panditji emphasized the role and responsibility of our elected representatives, our social and community leaders, our opinion makers and people in all walks of life in contributing to nation building and to the emotional integration of our country. At the first meeting of this Council in 1962, Panditji regarded communal harmony and the integration of different regions of the country as the two most important issues. He drew attention to the role of our all-India civil services, our national media and our film industry in promoting national integration. He also emphasized the role of education in promoting national integration. I believe Panditji's views still have relevance for this Council even today. Half a century is not a long time in the history of a nation and we must continue to renew our commitment to national integration so that our country marches on its path to progress and prosperity.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

I am, however, encouraged to strike a note of optimism and underscore the importance of the road we have already traveled. It was not so very long ago that many across the world were writing off the Indian experiment in nation-building. India will be "balkanized", predicted the Cassandras of catastrophy. Some plotted to inflict a thousand cuts on us in the hope that our nationhood will succumb to such pain. Some felt that we as a nation were doomed to failure because of the immense challenges posed by our diversity, our size and extensive poverty. The people of India have disproved such prophecies of doom and plotters of distress. Today we stand tall as the world's largest democracy. Our experience with nation-building in a democratic framework is looked upon with hope. It is seen as a model worthy of emulation.

As I mentioned in Parliament yesterday, I heard with pride President Hamid Karzai of Afghanistan cite our democratic experience as a model for the Afghan people as they re-build their country and seek a new future of peace and prosperity. President Karzai told his people, "India has more than a billion people with different cultures, religions and languages. By facilitating participation from its people, India has been able to make a stable and pluralistic democracy a reality for Indians. Asian and African countries in general, and Afghanistan in particular, can learn much from the rich experience of India."

We salute the courage and wisdom of leaders like President Karzai who, like us, seek salvation for their people through the framework of an open society and an open economy. It is not just in our neighbourhood but in distant lands and in the world's greatest capitals that our democratic experience in nation building is now regarded with admiration. I do sincerely believe that our democracy has been the most important instrument of our nation-building. It has contributed immensely to the emotional integration of the many and varied peoples of our country.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

We cannot, however, rest content. We have to constantly endeavour to renew our commitment to the basic principles of our Republic. The four threats of "communalism, casteism, regionalism and linguism", identified by Panditji, remain. Perhaps their relative importance has altered and possibly declined over the years as our identity as a nation has grown. But it should remain our endeavour to find ways in which we can battle against these incipient threats to our national unity. I am convinced that there is today no threat to our national integration that cannot be dealt with. However, we must make a distinction between overt and covert challenges to our nationhood and deal with each accordingly.

In today's meeting, we propose to spend a fair amount of time discussing the challenge posed by communalism. For centuries, our society has been characterized by a spirit of tolerance. This has been a value which has been at the core of our civilization, at the core of our very concept of a nation. Ours is a society which has rejoiced in its diversity; in its ability to shelter an incredible range of thoughts, ideas and beliefs; in its acceptance of criticism and debate not just in public life but in matters of philosophy and beliefs. It is this wonderful open-mindedness which has enabled all religions of the world to find a place under the Indian sun. As we have grown as a nation, this value which has been enshrined in our constitution has become one of the defining features of our nation. It is incumbent on all of us - and even more so on opinion makers and people perceived to be leaders of society - to protect, preserve and nurture this value for future generations.

Eternal vigilance is the price of liberty. Therefore, not only must we nip in the bud any attempt to disturb our secular fabric, we must actively promote the spirit of communal harmony. We must continue to educate our children about the diversity of our culture so that they imbibe the values of tolerance of diversity and respect for all religions. Education must become a means for promoting values enshrined in our constitution. Our educationists and curriculum designers must remember that once we lay the seeds of tolerance in young minds, these will grow into mighty trees which will then sustain our way of life in future. It is also incumbent on media and opinion makers to also reiterate these values so that they not only become embedded in our collective consciousness but also become a source of pride for our citizens.

We must however, appreciate the fact that it is difficult to deal with the covert threats to our national integrity. The ideologies of communalism, of casteism, of regional and linguistic chauvinism have to be fought in a more sustained and intelligent manner. We need a more humane, inclusive and liberal political culture. Our social and family values must be rooted in our civilisational commitment to pluralism and liberalism. The idea of India, as I have said so often, is the idea of "Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam" - The Whole World is One Family. The idea that even if nations may clash with one another, cultures and civilizations can co-exist. The defining feature of the 21st Century is not that it will be marked by a "clash of civilizations", but that it will be shaped by a "confluence of civilizations".

We have to inculcate such liberalism in our people. Our educational system, our media, our popular culture must reinforce this civilisational commitment of India to pluralism and inclusiveness. Equally, our legislature, our judiciary, our executive must at all times be cognizant of this need to renew our commitment to the founding principles of our Republic and the guiding principles of our Constitution. Our Government is firmly wedded to these principles. We are committed to the social, political, economic and educational empowerment of Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, other Backward Classes, all Minorities and all weaker sections of society, especially women. The empowerment of every section of society can only help empower our nation. Every group must necessarily see and have a stake in our collective success and prosperity. Hence, this is an important element of national integration.

The protection of all weaker sections of society, the welfare of the Minority communities and the empowerment of women are not just political slogans. These are not just means to attain the end of national integration. I submit to you that these are the basic, the fundamental and the essential features of a civilized society. We cannot call ourselves an ancient civilization and a modern nation if we cannot protect the life, the livelihood, the property and the liberty of every one of our citizens.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

The challenge of regionalism, that Panditji referred to, has a new dimension today that we must consciously address. Forty years ago, our political leadership was more conscious of the historical and political roots of regionalism, since our nation was still young. Over time, we have been able to address many of these political factors. However, there is a resurgence of regional and sub-regional identities in a manner which was not conceivable sixty years ago. As a pluralistic society and polity, we have adequate space for regional and sub-regional identities and cultures. These are not necessarily inimical to our larger concept of nationhood. Our Constitution gives a place of honour to all regional languages. Technological developments in communication, IT and media have made it possible for small communities and local cultures to preserve and promote their unique identities in a manner inconceivable in the past. We must rejoice in the blossoming of these regional identities and lay emphasis on harmony rather than uniformity. We must at the same time ensure that these local identities become a part of our diverse mosaic in a harmonious way rather than become the cause for divisiveness and exclusion.

One of the drivers of divisive regional identities has been the persistence of regional economic imbalances. They remain and may have even increased. Even though it is true that all regions of the country are today generally better off than forty years ago, some regions have developed at a faster pace than others. Relative inter-regional disparities are a problem that must be addressed. This is not just in the interests of national integration but also in the interest of the welfare of our people. I urge the Chief Ministers from the less developed States to learn from the example of the more developed ones and find new pathways of progress for the people of their region. They must invest in education and health, in infrastructure and in better governance. Above all, they must invest in transforming the rural economy.

When I look around the country and see some regions more developed than others, it does occur to me that there is a correlation between the level of development of agriculture, the transition in agrarian relations, and the overall level of economic and industrial development. There are some regions, like the hilly and forest tracts, that have problems specific to their geo-economic structure. Everywhere else, the rapid development of the agrarian economy has been a necessary condition for overall development. I do, therefore, think that in the interests of national integration, the political leadership at the State level in less developed regions must pay greater attention to agrarian change and development of the rural economy. An improvement in the lives and livelihoods of the rural poor is an important element of national integration.

Our Government has promised a "New deal to rural India" and we have launched the Bharat Nirman programme to improve rural infrastructure. We have also launched a rural employment guarantee programme as a social safety net in the poorest regions of the country. Much more has to be done, however, to increase rural incomes, agricultural employment and the quality of life in rural areas.

The rapid and equitable development of our economy is as important to national integration as the assurance of social justice and communal harmony. I do hope today's proceedings will throw light on how we can all work together to build a stronger, more prosperous and a more equitable nation within the framework of an open society and an open economy.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

While we promote national integration and our core value of tolerance, any overt challenges we face in the form of communalism, extremism, separatism and insurgency and violence will need to be dealt with firmly. As I have said more than once before, I do sincerely believe that there is no grievance, howsoever extreme and desperate, that cannot be redressed through democratic means. Our democracy allows us the freedom to espouse our cause and win people over to our point of view. There is no grievance that cannot be redressed through democratic means and through dialogue. Every political group that claims to represent the interests of any section of our people must test and demonstrate its popularity through the institutions of our democracy.

I do reiterate our commitment to providing a humane government. However, there will be some grievance or the other at all times. Our democracy gives everyone the right to articulate that grievance in a democratic manner. No civilized society can tolerate violence and extremism. No one has the right to take the law into their own hands. No society can pardon those who kill innocent people. Faced with such terror tactics, the Government will have no other option than to fight such groups and their ideology of hatred. Extremism of any form, based on any divisive ideology, cannot be tolerated in any civilized, democratic society.

Ladies and gentlemen,

This is an important forum and has provided valuable guidance to government in the past. I call upon members to give thought to the issues laid out in today's agenda and also to some of the thoughts I have posed before you. India as a nation is too precious, not only for us but for the whole world which is watching us with expectation and hope. The world wants us to succeed and set an example of harmony, tolerance, diversity and pluralism in a democratic framework. I look forward to your guidance in this exciting and challenging task.

Jai Hind!